The growth of law and litigation since the 1960s is often decried for being costly and inefficient. But what about the benefits? Hasn't expanded liability also produced greater fairness and accountability and more responsible decisions? In his new book, Life Without Lawyers: Liberating Americans from Too Much Law (Norton, 2009), Philip K. Howard argues that America's "hyper-legalism" has undermined the freedom of people with responsibility to do their jobs, with cascading effects--that "modern law is a main cause of the decline of our social order." Mr. Howard--a practicing lawyer, founder of the legal reform group Common Good, and author of the bestselling The Death of Common Sense--offers many arresting examples, focusing on schools, health care, and recreation, and proposes specific steps to end "the tyranny of the angry individual" and rebuild law "to protect freedom in our daily choices."
At this AEI forum, Mr. Howard will present his book's essential arguments and proposals, followed by commentary by Professor Jeffrey Rosen of George Washington University Law School and The New Republic, former U.S. Attorney General Dick Thornburgh, and Judge Stephen F. Williams of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit.
|
9:45 a.m.
|
Registration
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
10:00
|
Presentation:
|
Philip K. Howard, Covington & Burling and Common Good
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Discussants:
|
Jeffrey Rosen, George Washington University Law School and The New Republic
|
|
|
|
Dick Thornburgh, K&L Gates
|
|
|
|
Stephen F. Williams, U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Moderator:
|
Christopher DeMuth, AEI |
|
|
|
|
|
11:30
|
Adjournment
|
|
WASHINGTON, JANUARY 30, 2009--In his new book, Life Without Lawyers: Liberating Americans from Too Much Law,
Philip K. Howard argues that America's pervasive "hyper-legalism" has
undermined our freedoms and hindered our ability to use common sense
when making everyday decisions. On January 27, Howard presented Life Without Lawyers at AEI. Americans are "drowning" in law and losing their freedom as a
result, Howard said. He pointed to teachers--a group he referred to as
the "caste of the dispirited"--to illustrate how schools are confined
by "legal shackles" and thus unable to maintain order and authority.
Howard described the five-foot-long list of legal considerations needed
to suspend a child from school and teachers' reluctance even to put an
arm around a crying child. These senseless limitations, Howard argued,
are commonplace examples of how the law has undermined the freedom to
act reasonably and responsibly. It is ironic, he added, that President
Barack Obama was elected on a "Yes We Can" slogan, when in fact,
America's hyper-legalism and over-litigation have actually embedded in
society a mantra of "No We Can't." Howard concluded his presentation by
reminding us that it is not the law that makes things happen but rather
people, and that the freedom for people to make their own decisions
must be restored. Former U.S. attorney general Dick Thornburgh lauded Howard for his
"very sound thesis" and further corroborated the book's arguments with
personal examples from his own career in public service. He cited the
insurmountable bureaucratic obstacles he faced as undersecretary
general at the United Nations and the difficulty he faced in revising
the U.S. criminal justice code as attorney general. Thornburgh called
on President Obama to use the vast network he created during the
campaign to "put people in touch with the process" and act on Howard's
recommendations. Thornburgh was followed by George Washington University law professor and legal affairs editor of The New Republic
Jeffrey Rosen, whose dissent was based on the idea that the law is not
actually the cause of freedom's decline but merely a symptom. He
questioned Howard's ambitious ideas for change by challenging his
supposition that Washington is at the crux of the problem. The decline
of freedom and distrust of authority are not unique to Washington,
Rosen argued, but rather endemic in any modern, technology-driven
democracy devoted to egalitarianism. And although Howard is quick to
blame Washington, Rosen asserted that Washington--and a renewed faith
in its regulatory and administrative agencies--is and should be at the
heart of the solution. The last panelist, Judge Stephen F. Williams of the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, interpreted Life Without Lawyers
as a critique of the courts, which he said constitute a "primary and
entirely justifiable target." Judge Williams agreed with Howard's
central argument and claimed that hyper-legalism is "deadening American
life" in serious and significant ways. But he criticized Howard's
antagonism to "rights" as an overarching concept and argued that it is
difficult to "articulate an intelligible rule" for determining, as
Howard suggests in his book, what is "reasonable" and what is not. AEI's Christopher DeMuth concluded
the panel with a few words about Philip Howard and his calls for
regulatory overhaul: "He is rhetorically radical, but in practice, he
is actually an incrementalist." DeMuth applauded Howard's goal to
empower the American people and provided a single suggestion of his
own: to take advantage of the crisis. "When there's a crisis, there are
opportunities to do things that can't otherwise be done," DeMuth said. --RIVA LITMAN For video, audio, and more information, visit www.aei.org/event1875, or visit www.aeilegalcenter.org. For media inquiries, contact Veronique Rodman at 202.862.4870 or vrodman@aei.org. ###


