Israel's American supporters, Jewish and non-Jewish alike, defend its national-security interests because of how interwoven they are with America's own vital interests, in the Middle East and globally. Non-Jewish American support for Israel is not, therefore, to mix metaphors, a case of appearing to be more Catholic than the pope.

Accordingly, they took heart from the Oval Office exchange, and visibly demonstrated their opposition to Obama's views by the warm greeting for Netanyahu in Congress. Since these supporters are a decisive majority of the American public, stretching far beyond the confines of one faith, they can reshape the domestic American debate on Israel and the region. This is critical, since, thanks to Obama, U.S.-Israeli relations are more politically strained than ever before, a public division inevitably providing our adversaries with dangerous opportunities for trouble-making.

Nonetheless, since Obama remains president for two more years, what should opponents of his misguided policies do to capitalize on the new dynamic Netanyahu has created?

First, members of Congress must build on Netanyahu's Joint Meeting appearance through hearings, speeches, and House and Senate resolutions that Israel's U.S. support remains broad and deep on Capitol Hill, even as it recedes almost to invisibility in the White House.

Congress cannot, of course, determine U.S. policy, but it can send a clear political message to the White House, and more importantly to Obama's re-election campaign. That means in particular a vigorous U.S. diplomatic campaign against any efforts at the United Nations this fall to establish a Palestinian "state." This vigorous public approach may trouble the president's political supporters, but their reluctance to speak up is a major factor underlying Obama's evident belief he can muscle Israel without suffering domestic political damage.

That needs changing quickly. Visible demonstrations of political power and support for Israel may be the only thing that constrains Obama as the 2012 presidential election grows increasingly near.

Second, there must be greater U.S. and Israeli focus and determination to reckon with Iran's high and rising global threat, both because of Tehran's nuclear weapons program and its support for terrorism in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon, Gaza, and elsewhere. Obama rarely addresses Iran's menace, even last week when he unmercifully bullied Israel.

No wonder Iran's leaders view their quest for nuclear weapons as essentially unchallenged. Even while divisions within Tehran's leadership occupy the media's attention, its belligerent attitudes and threatening capabilities are increasing.

Third, turmoil in the Middle East is also increasingly problematic. The "Arab Spring" is not self-evidently leading to Western-style pluralistic democracy, and may well turn into something darker than what it supplanted, at least in some countries.

The peace agreement between the Hamas terrorists and Fatah, brokered by the post-Mubarak government in Egypt, marks the effective end of any realistic peace process between Israel and the Palestinians for the foreseeable future.

Obama has not yet grasped this reality, nor does he seem to understand that the Syrian dictatorship and Lebanon's Hezbollah terrorists remain Iranian pawns, threats both to Israel and to the United States.Accordingly, now is hardly the time to force Israel into unnatural efforts at "peace processing" with the usual suspects.

Now that Netanyahu has spoken, it is time for Americans and Europeans concerned with true peace and security in the Middle East to carry the debate forward.

John Bolton is a senior fellow at AEI.

White House Photo/Pete Souza