Sino-U.S. Competition and U.S. Security: How Do We Assess the Military Balance?

This essay argues that scholars and analysts can help policymakers advance U.S. interests in Asia by assessing the dynamic Sino-U.S. balance of power in the region.

Main Argument

Assessments of the military competition between China and the U.S. are badly needed but mostly missing. Such assessments should consider the political objectives of the competitors, their military doctrines, and alliance politics, in addition to quantitative measures of military power in the context in which such capabilities would be deployed. Clashing political and military objectives will define the rivalry between the U.S. and China. For the U.S., the most important characteristics of the rivalry are those that impinge on Washington's ability to defend its interests in the world's most important region. These interests include protecting the U.S. homeland, preventing the emergence of a hostile hegemon in Asia, encouraging continued liberal economic and political reforms, and preserving the global commons. These goals must be assessed against China's growing ability to coerce U.S. allies, interdict U.S. forces, and cut off U.S. access to parts of the global commons in possible pursuit of regional hegemony. Considered in these terms, the United States may not have the overwhelming advantage it may assume.

Policy Implications

  • Thinking seriously about the rivalry with China is more likely to preclude rather than encourage conflict. Unfounded fears can be put to rest while fears with foundation can be remediated. If the United States successfully balances Chinese power, the two sides may be dissuaded from the conflict and force more areas of cooperation.

  • Washington has long supported a security umbrella over allies and partners in Asia, but China's political and military ambitions may challenge his status quo. Clashing Sino-U.S. regional political objectives will be the key driver of the changing military competition.

  • The advantage of the U.S. and its allies on paper relative to China can be misleading when accounting for the differences in strategy, doctrine and political goals of the two sides.

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Dan Blumenthal is a resident fellow at AEI.

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About the Author

 

Dan
Blumenthal

  • Dan Blumenthal is the director of Asian Studies at the American Enterprise Institute, where he focuses on East Asian security issues and Sino-American relations.  Mr. Blumenthal has both served in and advised the U.S. government on China issues for over a decade.  From 2001 to 2004, he served as senior director for China, Taiwan, and Mongolia at the Department of Defense.  Additionally, he served as a commissioner on the congressionally-mandated U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission since 2006-2012, and held the position of vice chairman in 2007.  He has also served on the Academic Advisory Board of the congressional U.S.-China Working Group. Mr. Blumenthal is the co-author of "An Awkward Embrace: The United States and China in the 21st Century" (AEI Press, November 2012).


  • Phone: 202-862-5861
    Email: dblumenthal@aei.org
  • Assistant Info

    Name: Lara Crouch
    Phone: 202-862-7160
    Email: lara.crouch@aei.org

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