The "Buffett Rule's" stated goal of making millionaires pay the same tax rates as the middle class is appealing. Unfortunately, the proposal is based on inaccurate claims about the tax system and its enactment would penalize the investment that fuels long-run economic growth.

Rep. Paul Ryan’s budget is a big story in Congress, even though it barely made it through the House Budget Committee, will take a battle to pass on the House floor and has zero chance of being embraced as is, or in any facsimile, in the Senate. So why is it so big?

In the wake of the newly-released Ryan budget proposal, AEI agricultural economist Vincent Smith discusses the implications for agricultural subsidies and explains why more budget-cutting is imperative.

As I listened to House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan describe his latest budget plan in a speech at American Enterprise Institute on Tuesday, I couldn't help thinking how different things will be in Britain today when Chancellor of the Exchequer George Osborne steps out of Number 11 Downing Street with a battered red briefcase holding his budget for the forthcoming year.

At this AEI event, House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan will deliver remarks on the nation's fiscal and economic challenges.

It’s hardly a surprise that the president’s narrowly focused plan falls short on the fiscal front, with the debt projected to weigh in at a staggering 76 percent of annual GDP in 2022 and poised to rise further in subsequent decades.

Many people, observing the severe problems caused by Greece and other financially weak members of the European Union, wonder why the United States is not similarly afflicted. After all, the structures seem quite similar; the EU is united through a treaty into a single political grouping, while the U.S. is a union of states in a constitutional system. 

While devout Keynesians such as Paul Krugman have argued that the slow recovery is due to the insufficient sizeof Obama’s plan, a new study by the National Bureau of Economic Research provides the strongest evidence yetthat the Obama stimulus was doomed to failure.

Supercommittee Republicans offered a plan to eliminate tax preferences and reduce tax rates, as in the 1986 bipartisan tax reform. They argued that high tax rates would squelch economic growth.  They didn't make the case that their proposals would also address income inequality. But Paul Ryan, in a paper based largely on a CBO analysis of income trends between 1979 and 2007, has done so.

The failure of the Congressional Super Committee means that major economic policy decisions are likely to wait for 2013. The government will be funded and not bump up against the debt ceiling, and perhaps some modest initiatives might go forward such as renewing payroll tax cuts or extended unemployment insurance benefits.