The U.S. military should maintain a more defendable presence on the territory of as many U.S. Asian allies as welcomed, until all can be assured that China will be a responsible and democratic great power, uninterested in creating its own exclusive economic or military spheres.

As China grows less predictable and the United States less willing to shoulder its responsibilities, familiar patterns of bilateral relations must change.

Yet his meetings with America’s top leaders, from President Obama on down, will be just as much a chance for Xi to size up the administration’s new policies toward Asia as they are an opportunity for U.S. officials to get a sense of whom they will be dealing with starting this fall.

The Obama administration is welcoming China's presumptive next leader, Xi Jinping. But how can it make good policy when the strategy is a mess?

American Enterprise Institute (AEI) introduces the new Marilyn Ware Center for Security Studies, made possible by a generous gift from the former U.S. Ambassador to Finland and AEI trustee, Marilyn Ware. The new center greatly enhances the capacity of AEI to address security and defense issues affecting American interests around the world.

Since the 1990s, China has coordinated its economic expansion with strategic, political, and foreign policy objectives. Through bilateral trade agreements, World Trade Organization accession in 2001, greater involvement in regional institutions like the ASEAN Plus Three, and numerous soft-power initiatives, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has embarked upon what...

The problem is that–as is plain to see – the Obama administration is not planning what Clinton describes as a strategic "pivot" from the Middle East to the Asia Pacific. It’s just retreating from the Middle East and reducing the U.S. military.

Well worth reading, John Lewis Gaddis' biography of George Kennan nonetheless raises the basic question of whether Kennan’s concrete contributions justify the many accolades he has received.