Netanyahu supporters are a decisive majority of the American public, stretching far beyond the confines of one faith, they can reshape the domestic American debate on Israel and the region. This is critical, since, thanks to Obama, U.S.-Israeli relations are more politically strained than ever before, a public division inevitably providing our adversaries with dangerous opportunities for trouble-making.

More than three decades after the Revolution of 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran Army and the IRGC remain entangled in a rivalry which the Army — should the hitherto trend continue — is bound to lose.

The latest round of UN sanctions against Iran are merely a symbolic gesture and will not work because they fail to target the financial arm of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the engine of Iran's nuclear program.

The Obama administration hopes to improve U.S. relations with the Muslim world and achieve global nuclear disarmament.

How has the president managed to build such a formidable power base? Who are the key members of his coterie, and will they enable their benefactor to outsmart the supreme leader to become Iran's effective ruler?

It has become a cliché to suggest that sanctions are not the silver bullet to shut down Iran's nuclear weapons programs. Part of the problem has been the "too little, too late" nature of almost every effort at sanctions.

The Iranian Basji, or "people's militia," were initially intended to have a security role, and have made more frequent political interventions since the 2005 election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

We cannot presently foretell whether or not Clinton's visit will lead to renewed negotiations over North Korea's nuclear program, but that appears to be the conclusion the Obama administration hopes to draw.