We should repeal the War Powers Act and replace it with a framework for consulting with Congress on extended military action.

When he was director of central intelligence, Leon Panetta earned a reputation as an energetic advocate for his agency. When he replaced Robert Gates at the Pentagon, it was reasonable to hope that Panetta would continue to play the role of a senior statesman.

Mead urges Washington to “enter into deep strategic conversations” with each of these powers, so as to start building effective partnerships.  The problem is, we’ve already tried that, with most of them.

In anticipation of the upcoming vote on the War Powers Act resolutions in the U.S. House of Representatives, the following AEI Scholars are available for comment:

Rather than await the decision on the Affordable Care Act, President Obama decided to attack preemptively with error-filled claims about the place of judicial review in our constitutional system. Judicial review springs from the duty of a court, when deciding a case before it, to enforce the Constitution over a conflicting act of Congress.

The Armenians receive assistance from Iran, and so it would make sense if Azerbaijan could access Israeli weaponry and training. Clearly, neither Armenia nor Russia are sincere about ending the occupation of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Obama has managed to do what no Republican president ever could: destroy the War Powers Act. In a riot of irresponsibility and hypocrisy, Republicans are racing to embrace a law they've long reviled just so they can, accurately, charge Obama with irresponsibility and hypocrisy.

The War Powers Act--which sets an arbitrary deadline for presidents to seek congressional approval for military engagements--is just one facet of a much more serious malady: acute buck-passing.